Trump’s Plan to Use Local Cops to Get the Mass Deportation Machine Going, P6
- Shidonna Raven
- 5 hours ago
- 2 min read
BY HENRY GRABAR
November 07, 2024
Source: Slate
Photo / Image Source: Unsplash,
In fact, though, these high-profile displays from Resistance Democrats masked a trend: The number of jurisdictions with 287(g) contracts grew from 37 in 2017 to 140 in 2021. After declining for years, a Washington Post investigation determined, low-level arrests in 287(g) counties reached their highest level in a decade in 2019. The data seemed to confirm what civil liberties advocates have long argued: Even when immigration checks are only conducted in jail, police have a lot of leeway about who gets arrested. An earlier study by the Migration Policy Institute found that half of all ICE referrals through the program were for immigrants who had committed misdemeanors or traffic offenses. A grandfather who had lived in the U.S. for two decades could be deported for a broken taillight.
In the heady pro-immigrant atmosphere of January 2021, newly elected sheriffs like Craig Owens in Cobb County, Georgia, and Kristin Graziano in Charleston County, South Carolina, boasted that they had ended their 287(g) programs, and the Biden administration stopped publicizing its achievements. But by this year, public opinion had swung back wildly: Owens, who won reelection, had to insist that he did in fact cooperate with ICE. Graziano lost to a Republican who said he would.
Just as Arpaio had Arizona’s S.B. 1070, the boycott-inspiring “immigration check at a traffic stop” law, the Republican sheriff-elect Sheridan could have Proposition 314, pending the viability of the Texas statute.
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